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I haven’t lived with my parents for many years, but even if I did, I wouldn’t argue with them, because it’s their business what to think. Where I am, people typically express their opinion at rallies, on social networks and among their inner circle. Usually, people will spread the word about protests secretly. But everyone who wants to participate can easily find out about it. For example, in certain online communities, they’ll just post a single number (indicating a date) and everyone understands everything. But I don’t feel safe expressing my opinion, especially when I talk about it online or on the phone.

The Crimea consensus and the symbolic might of state institutions remained, but they lost their power to mobilize. The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites. Russia has opened up at times after moments of calamity and catastrophe. Why Russians do not protest is perhaps better explained by Russian history and not opinion polls.

Pope says war in Ukraine would be ‘madness,’ backs talks

“At the beginning, I took a favourable position [of the campaign], because even before February 24, I considered it necessary to eliminate the Ukrainian problem. But now time has passed, it’s become obvious that no positive outcomes are to be expected. It seemed to me that all this was not real and could not last long.

• One-quarter of respondents say they already feel the effect of those sanctions, according to Volkov.









• None of us wanted this war, and we stand in opposition to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s actions.









• As well as their savings falling in value, many Russians are predicted to lose their jobs as the economy reels from being cut off from financial markets in the West.









• But Putin’s invasion has accelerated a growing sense of a need to reassert a Ukrainian identity once and for all.









• That number consists of many young Russians and slightly more women than men.

Sociologists and pollsters have tried to gauge opinion, but there is no freedom of speech or information in Russia so it is impossible to tell if people are being honest. International sanctions have not brought Russia to the brink of 1990s-style economic collapse. But, as Belfast-based Russian academic Aleksandr Titov has observed, Russia is nonetheless living through a crisis. For centuries Muscovites have come here to build homes and businesses and get on quietly with their lives, leaving their rulers to pursue greater ambitions on a bigger stage where ordinary Russians have never had a part to play.

Ukraine war: Why so many Russians turn a blind eye to the conflict

It is not just Ukraine’s 44 million people whose lives have been upended. In the coming days, many others far from the field of battle maybe find themselves buffeted by ripple effects. The fate of Ukraine has enormous implications for the rest of the continent, the health of the global economy and even America’s place in the world.

In his annual “Victory Day” speech on May 9, Putin said the ongoing invasion and occupation of Ukraine was necessary because the West was “preparing for the invasion of our land, including Crimea,” according to CNBC. Many who study and report on Russia, me included, believe a small percentage of people actively support the war, and a small percentage actively oppose it. In Belgorod, close to the Ukrainian border and just 80km (50 miles) from the now war-torn city of Kharkiv, local people are now used to convoys of military trucks roaring towards the front line. “My husband had already come here to work, and I arrived with our child as the shooting began,” she told Al Jazeera, adding that support from Russian authorities was not as forthcoming as she would have liked. Among them are former residents of two Russia-backed separatist statelets in eastern Ukraine – the self-proclaimed “republics” Luhansk and Donetsk, who were handed passports by Moscow following the 2014 war.

EU Threatens Russia Sanctions as NATO Backs Ukraine

By that, he means that those who were most connected to the outside world might have been less inclined to support Putin's military operation, but now find themselves cut off from the West. That means they're on conflicting sides — and feel the shunning of Russia most of all. ” — showed that there is little enthusiasm for a “real,” large-scale war among members of Russia’s modern, urban society (the country’s military operations in Syria and eastern Ukraine in recent years were not seen as real wars). Most ordinary Russians are in the middle, trying to make sense of a situation they didn't choose, don't understand and feel powerless to change. Russian military enlistment offices have been attacked 220 times since the war in Ukraine began, Moscow’s interior ministry has said.

• Of course, that may be a strange example, but I just mean those of us who are against war still suffer from it.









• Ukraine’s president earlier signed a decree instructing the government to develop a plan for preserving the national identity of the “historically inhabited lands” of Krasnodar Krai, Belgorod, Bryansk, Voronezh, Kursk and Rostov.









• That's according to Lev Gudkov, a Russian sociologist who heads the analytical Leveda Center.









• In addition, the police recently searched the flat of a close friend of mine and then put her under house arrest for two months.









• This tiny chapel is on the grounds of the Northeast Science Station near the Russian town of Chersky.









• “Not just us but all of Europe is living on this credit.” She added, “I want to mark my position as someone lacking objectivity.

A major gulf in attitudes rose regarding Crimea, whose annexation was supported by 87 percent of Russians and opposed by 69 percent of Ukrainians. In Russia, both pro-Putin supporters and anti-Putin oppositionists like Alexei Navalny and Mikhail Khodorkovsky backed the annexation of Crimea. Seventy-nine percent of Russians linked that action to the revival of Russia as a great power and a return to Russia’s rightful dominance of the former Soviet Union.

• In the end, no major false flag came, and experts now believe that Putin decided to act without gathering the backing of his own electorate.









• Russia-based research outfits such as the Levada Center have been able to maintain some independence, but face higher rates of non-response.









• With fortified defenses though, Ukraine could seriously complicate these efforts.









• Western powers are unwilling to send troops to fight in the conflict but have sought to make the Kremlin’s actions unsustainable with tough economic punishments.

The toughest defenses, known as the Surovikin Line, consisted of anti-vehicle ditches and obstacles, mines, and sophisticated trench networks. Furthermore, fears are growing over the future of US security assistance to Ukraine as additional funding remains held up by Congress — despite repeated pleas of urgency from the Biden administration. Officials in Washington, Kyiv, and European partner nations have sounded the alarms that the consequences of aid drying up may be catastrophic. They cautioned that "without major adjustments, or if Western support falters, the current path holds a high risk of exhaustion over time and Ukraine being forced to negotiate with Moscow from a position of weakness." Conflict experts are warning that Russia maintains a significant advantage over Ukraine in several key areas right now, and Kyiv will need to seriously dig in if it hopes to fend off Moscow's war machine and have any shot at offensive operations next year.

By Tuesday morning a Russian-language Change.org petition calling for an end of war in Ukraine had surpassed one million signatures. In contrast, during the same period, the percentage of Russians holding positive views of Ukrainians plummeted from 55 to 34 percent. Putin’s authoritarian and great power nationalistic regime fanned ethnic Russian nationalism, turning Russians against both the Ukraine state and Ukrainians as a people. Meanwhile, Putin’s repeated claim that Ukrainians and Russians are “one people” left no room for a Ukrainian identity other than that of “little Russians” in his Eurasian Union. Putin’s total control of the Russian media mobilized anti-Ukrainian hysteria among Russians in the decade leading up to the Kremlin’s 2014 aggression. “In the past few years, I’ve become closely involved with volunteering.

• Oil prices rose in the first year of the conflict, generating more revenue for the Russian state and certain segments of the Russian population.









• Your support, no matter how small, makes a world of difference.









• But what kind of guarantees they would give independent Ukraine is not yet clear.









• While the defence alliance, Nato, and the US warn of an imminent invasion, many people are still unconvinced that war will happen or that it would be to Russia's advantage.

I was planning to go see my family right about this time, but it doesn’t seem possible any more. https://richard-andresen.hubstack.net/ukraine-conflict-what-we-know-about-the-invasion-1707858209 mean – there is probably a way to go to Russia, but almost zero way for me to come back to study, and as a new semester is coming, I’m not risking it. I have a residency permit right now, but it expires in May. Because of everything escalating so rapidly, I’m anxious about whether I’ll have issues renewing it due to me being Russian. There aren’t long lines at ATMs any more, but we saw them a few days ago.